Democrats have been adrift for some time. They divided on Clinton in 2016, lost trust in party leadership under Biden and failed to rally behind Harris in 2024. And now, more than ever, we need a leader.
Although Democrats consider themselves the party of the working class, increasing numbers of middle-class and minority groups are voting for Trump. In fact, recent research found that voters were less likely to choose a candidate with the same policy who identified as a Democrat than an independent, a phenomenon dubbed the “Democratic penalty.” What’s behind this?
The cultural shift left by many upper-class Democrats in recent years has convinced moderate, working class voters that social issues are more important to the party than the economy. The working class feels alienated by a party increasingly concerned with climate, abortion and LGBTQ+ causes. But the culture war is only part of the problem.
Democrats’ ineffective policy efforts have been brought to light by Ezra Klein’s popular book Abundance, which explains some of the bureaucratic barriers to progress that eroded voters’ patience with the party over time. One study concisely summarized the working-class perspective: Democrats are seen as “woke and weak.” Recent Democratic candidates have only strengthened these perceptions of the party.
The bottom line: the Democratic party doesn’t have much to lose. Our democracy is under attack, and our country cannot afford another far-right president. We need a presidential candidate in 2028 who can redefine the Democratic brand and win back the working class.
Many Democrats, blinded by hatred toward Trump, believe the antidote to his power is an equally extreme leftist like Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez or New York City Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani. Rightfully appalled by many of Trump’s actions, they overlook the opportunity to learn from him. The key to defeating Trump lies in understanding why he won.
Trump speaks differently from other politicians. Although his manner has been ridiculed to no end by Democrats, it’s an important part of the way he comes across to the American people. He talks about bread and butter issues and uses easy-to-understand extremes. He curses on camera. While his habits are extreme, his populist approach is the opposite of the air of elitism behind the Democratic penalty. His bold and simple campaign messaging inspired trust that he would get things done, regardless of if he actually has.
Trump’s economic policy promises also demonstrate his understanding of the working class in an area where Democrats falter. On paper, the Democratic party should appeal to the working class — they raise taxes for the rich and fight for expanded Medicaid and SNAP. However, there is an important distinction between redistributing wealth and reducing inequality at the source.
Whereas social support programs treat the working class as a burden to be cared for, Trump promises job creation and lower inflation, policies that prioritize the dignity of the working class. It’s no wonder polls show widespread support for economic populism among working class voters. To win back Trump voters, Democrats need stronger messaging in support of protecting jobs and raising the minimum wage. We took a step in the right direction in recent elections, with Democratic wins coming from economic populists.
To build on the momentum of recent gains, Democrats should be cautious about concern for the working class coming across as performative and patronizing. Trump managed to create an ethos of authenticity and solidarity through his manner and policy promises, despite failing to deliver. Taking cues from his appeal, Democrats should lean into bold, digestible rhetoric and prioritize popular economic policy over leftist social issues in 2028.
However, bold energy and pragmatic centrism seem to be mutually exclusive among existing Democrats. Mamdani’s inspiring rhetoric and populism won New York, but his extreme policies would not unite the nation. Centrist Democrats were elected governors, but their campaigns lacked the energy to inspire a country. The ideal candidate for 2028 needs the energy of Mamdani and the policy of affordability-focused centrists.
Do such candidates actually exist? Take a look at Dan Osborn, an independent Senate candidate in Nebraska. He runs on economic populism and moderate social positions. As a former union president and mechanic, he brings an authentic and inspiring anti-establishment ethos to his campaign. He outperformed Harris by 14 points in 2024, creating competition in a Republican stronghold.
Centrist candidates reliably outperform extremist options, especially when they take a more aggressive approach. A centrist Democrat won Arizona, a state that voted for Trump in 2024, by criticizing unpopular identity politics and arguing for a secure border. Other Democrats in competitive states like Nevada, Texas, Michigan and Wisconsin have taken a similar approach.
Inspiration and excitement often come from the extremes of the political spectrum, while moderate candidates are tied to lower-energy campaigns. It doesn’t have to be this way. Democrats need to uncouple strength from extremism. If we are successful, 2028 can redefine Democrats not as “woke and weak” but as pragmatic and bold.